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Crime, Anti-Social Behaviour and Schools in Britain – are all schools ‘at risk’? [1]

 

Professor Carol HaydenICJS, Institute of Criminal Justice Studies, University of Portsmouth, Inaugural Lecture, January 26th, 2011.


Some questions to have in mind when reading this paper:

Were young people better behaved in school in the past?

‘Winchester [the public school] was often hit by serious disturbances, one rising there in 1818 required the intervention of soldiers armed with fixed bayonets before order was restored’ (Tubbs, 1996, p.12).

Is breaking the law common?

‘It is probably a minority of children who grow up without ever behaving in ways which may be contrary to the law’ (HMSO, 1969, p.3).

Do we demonise children?

‘It is crucial not to demonise children…. There are issues of behaviour that need to be addressed but the vast majority of children are as supportive, idealistic and inspirational as young people have ever been.’

(Sir Alan Steer, former head teacher and leader of the school disciplinary task force, 2005, p.1)

Do some schools need a police officer on the school site?

‘Police were called to deal with violence in schools more than 7,000 times last year.....................teaching unions described the statistics as scaremongering and said schools were safe places. ...............Fear of violence among teenagers has been exacerbated by numerous high-profile stabbings and similar gang-related crimes’ (The Independent, 2008, paras. 1,5 & 6).

‘Beat officers being assigned to secondary schools in Southwark... has led to an improvement in behaviour.....Police have been able to assist staff with truancy reduction work, support the on-site learning support unit and run specialist days on topics such as anti-bullying, anti-drugs and accidents and emergencies (Teachernet, 2010, paras. 1& 3).

Have standards of behaviour in schools improved in recent years?

‘.....there is strong evidence from a range of sources that the overall standards of behaviour achieved by schools is good and has improved in recent years’ (Steer, 2009, p.4).

Is problematic behaviour in schools largely a question of ‘discipline’ and redressing the balance of power between teachers and children?

The greatest concern voiced by new teachers and a very common reason experienced teachers cite for leaving the profession is poor pupil behaviour. We know that a minority of pupils can cause serious disruption in the classroom. The number of serious physical assaults on teachers has risen. And poorly disciplined children cause misery for other pupils by bullying them and disrupting learning. It is vital that we restore the authority of teachers and head teachers. And it is crucial that we protect them from false allegations of excessive use of force or inappropriate contact. Unless we act more good people will leave the profession – without good discipline teachers cannot teach and pupils cannot learn’ (DfE, 2010a, p. 6).

Introduction

 These opening quotes illustrate that contemporary concerns about the behaviour of children and young people are not new and that there are some very different perspectives about this. Steer (a former head teacher) reminds us that ‘the vast majority’ of children are ‘idealistic and inspirational’, whilst a government document in 1969 acknowledges that only ‘a minority’ are likely to grow up ‘without ever behaving in ways which may be contrary to the law’. A moment’s reflection on our own past may well confirm the latter observation.

The most recent White Paper (DfE, 2010a) acknowledges that it is ‘a minority’ who cause ‘serious disruption in the classroom’. This paper will try and make sense of all this; focusing on the behaviour of children and young people [2] in and around schools.

The paper covers three main themes:

 1 A critical look at how, in late modernity, we have come to focus on schools in relation to crime prevention.

 2 An overview of the evidence about the prevalence of different types of problematic behaviour, from young people, in and around schools.

 3 An argument about the connection between the most serious behaviours; and, the maintenance of inequality through schooling.

 

The paper aims to raise questions about the way access to schooling is organised in Britain; arguing that the system is profoundly and damagingly unequal in a way that actively helps to create the social conditions many fear most. Inequality and its interaction with the school system is something about which there is agreement across the main political parties; it is the solutions to the situation that differ. As Gove (Secretary of State for Education) recently said:

‘....we have one of the most unequal education systems in the world, one of the most stratified, segregated and unfair education systems of any developed nation’ (Gove, 2010, BBC interview, November 24th).

Inequality and unfairness matters to us all because it effects the way people behave and is associated with ‘worse health, social conflict and violence’ (Reiner, 2007, p. 10).

The main focus of this paper is on the state education system, although it should be acknowledged at the outset that private education is a very important part of the segregation of children in Britain (which is one possible reading of the quote from Gove).

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Once I took two girls from the Square. When we came to a crossroad, a truck was changing directions. I slowed down (my motorcycle), but one of the girls said her feet got hurt and she called 7-8 hooligans to beat me up. It was close to Huafeng police station. When the police came out, all of them ran away. I was beaten heavily and could not even stand up. The police did not chase those hooligans. An ambulance also came as my fellow countrymen called 110 (China’s police hotline). Doctors asked me to get it checked at the hospital, but we are migrant workers, how can I do that? Taking an ambulance will cost us 200 yuan ($30 or £16) per ride. We have no money! Later on, one of my fellow countrymen took me to hospital with his motorcycle. When we arrived, I felt a little bit better. So, I decided not to get checked. We migrant workers suffer a lot! Late that night, I found those who beat me up in front of an internet café, so I went to the police station and asked the police to catch them. The police were unwilling to go. They asked me if I could recognize them. I said “yes, I could definitely recognize them.” Then, the police said if they denied (the offence), what should the police do? This is how the police replied! Police officers are local people, when local people beat us up, the police will definitely support them. Here we have no way out if we are beaten up. (A narrative of a 46-year old migrant motorcycle taxi driver Uncle Dong).

In his classic work Rickshaw Boy (Camel Xiangzi, luotuo xiangzi, 骆驼祥子), first published in 1930s, the famous Chinese novelist Lao She revealed the life, hope, suffering, and desperation of a peasant who lost his land in the countryside and came to Beijing to make a living by pulling a rickshaw in the 1920s in China. The great rural-urban urban disparity in early twentieth century China drove peasants like Xiangzi to find opportunities in cities. For Xiangzi, “the city gave him everything. Even starving he would prefer it to the village… Even if you begged in the city you could get meat or fish soup. In the village all one could hope for was corn meal”.

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As a prominent member of the Cursoti clan of Italy's Catania region, Nino carried out numerous killings, hold-ups and extortions. He has collaborated with the law since 1984, and is serving a sentence of 30 years for a double murder committed on parole. From 1996 to 1997, for over forty hours, he and Professor Amedeo Cottino met in the prison where he was held. For the first time in English, we can listen to their conversations. Nino affirms that today he is another person. We seek to understand what he was and how he was different, if at all. In Part 4, we will hear excerpts of Nino's observations on the politics and business of organized crime in Sicily. The text in bold is that of Amedeo Cottino.

[L]et’s be honest here, in the underworld... there simply have to be ties with the political world, for so many things! And if the politicians go looking for such ties, it’s because they know that we can deliver the votes, thousands of votes, so this is good for us, because for us we can use them for favors. You have to see who is making the most promises. There was a time, for example when you voted for the socialists, I think it was in ’83 or ’82... There were people in prison, anyhow when there was an election, those guys said to vote for certain people... and to inform their family members and to try to have them vote.

You know, there were some of us who maybe had ties with those guys down at the regional government. Here too, through a certain person, there was a tie to someone in the Socialist party, always at least doing favors, because when there are government contracts up for bid, everyone is going to want to eat.

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Recently I published my book Matters To A Head: Cannabis, Mental Illness & Recovery as a contribution to the public debate on the place of cannabis in our society. My own experiences with using the drug, and the mental illness that incapacitated me in my mid-twenties led me to believe that there is insufficient recognition of cannabis as an addictive and sometimes harmful drug. My family and I also discovered how little information there was available on the relationship between cannabis and mental illness, and that there has been a lack of appropriate treatment and service provision to people who suffer with a dual diagnosis.

My favourite quote in my book comes from my father, who made the potent observation that the problem with cannabis is that “some people can get away with smoking marijuana and some can’t. But by the time you find out you’re a can’t, it’s already too late”. That was certainly my experience.

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